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拜登: 中国崛起不等于美国消亡(中英对照)


纽约时报 2011-09-07 20:51

  biden美国 副总统拜登9月7日在《纽约时报》撰文称,中美两国之间既存在合作也有竞争。随着中国的不断发展和崛起,有不少人声称美国正在消亡,拜登表示他不这么认 为,且从他访华行程中也看出中国领导人同样不这么想。拜登同时指出美国现在仍享有多种优势,而美国优势就是现在中国劣势。

  拜登(Joe Biden)9月7日在《纽约时报》题为“中国崛起不是美国消亡”(China’s Rise Isn’t Our Demise)文章称,他首次访问中国是在1979年中美关系刚刚正常化几个月后,中国那时刚开始重建经济,当时他是见证这一演变过程的美国代表团成员。

拜登表示,在8月访华后,他能够看到中国在32年中的变化,但对于中国崛起的辩论仍旧没有改变。

  拜登称,中国的崛起对美国和世界的影响引发担忧,美国和亚洲地区中有些人将中国的增长看做威胁,认为最终将形成冷战式对立或大国对抗。部分中国人则担忧美国在亚太地区的目标是要遏制中国崛起。

  拜登表示,他并不这样认为。美国很清楚对中国军力增强以及中国意图的担忧,这就是美国通过与中国军方交流来理解其想法的原因,这也是为何总统奥 巴马指示美国和盟国在亚洲地区保持影响力的原因。拜登表示,就像他告诉中国领导人和民众一样,美国是太平洋国家,未来也仍旧如此。

  biden mil但是,拜登相信中国的成功有助于促进美国繁荣,而不会破坏美国繁荣。随着贸易和投资使中美两国联系更加紧密,中美彼此对各自的成功息息相关。对 于全球安全以及全球经济增长等诸多问题,中美共享共同的挑战和责任,中美之间存在合作的动力。这就是为何美国政府寻求中美关系稳定。就这一点,拜登表示, 在他与中国领导人习近平举行的会议中可看出,中国领导人也同意这一点。

  对于中美贸易,拜登表示,大家把聚焦点都放在中国对美国的出口之上,但在2010年,美国企业对中国的出口额达到1,000亿美元,为美国赢得几十万的就业机会。事实上,美国对中国的出口要远远比对全球其他地区的出口增长快。

  拜登称他从与中国领导人的会晤中看出,中国正在从以出口、投资和重工业推动的经济转变为由消费和服务业增长的经济,中国将继续采取措施重新估值 人民币,并促进外国企业公平进入中国市场。随着美国人增加存款而中国人加大消费,中国经济的这一过渡将加快,还将给美国带来机会。

  尽管中美之间进行合作,拜登称两国还在竞争。但他坚信中美能够、并将要在竞争中赢得繁荣。

  拜登提出,首先,美国需要正确看待中国的经济实力增长。根据国际货币基金组织的数据,美国的国内生产走高至仍旧是中国的两倍多,人均GDP是中国的11倍。

  bidenobama对于美国国债,拜登称,有很多说法都声称中国“拥有”美国国债,但事实是美国人拥有美国国债。中国持有的国债占8%,美国人持有近70%。而且美国不可动摇地履行金融责任是为了美国人的利益。

  拜登还称,更加重要的是,21世纪的竞争有利于美国。20世纪时,一个国家的财富主要通过自然资源、土地、人口和军队来衡量。而在21世纪,国家的真正财富以民众的创造力和创新能力为基础。

  拜登称,美国的优势来自政治和经济提议以及教育下一代的方式,美国不能单纯地接受既定的传统模式,而是应该挑战和改进。美国不仅允许,而且鼓励 自由言论和激烈辩论。法律保护私有财产以及具有可预见性的投资,同时确保穷人和富人所应负的责任。美国的高等学府仍旧是全球学生和学者的向往之地,美国也 欢迎有技术、有理想和希望获得更好生活的移民。

  拜登还提及中国人权问题,他指出,美国的优势就是中国当前的劣势。中国要想转变成创新经济,就需要开发各种体系,至少是人权。基本权利是属于大 众的,中国民众渴望获得这些权利。自由有助于释放人们的全部潜能,缺少自由则会滋生动乱。开放和自由的社会最能够促进长期发展、稳定、繁荣和创新。

  bidenwife他还称,美国也有工作要做,美国需要确保所有愿意工作的美国人能够找到好工作,需要继续吸引全球的高等人才,而且必须继续投资美国具有优势的基 础领域,包括教育、基础设施和创新。美国的未来掌握在美国人自己手中,如果美国采取大胆的举措,美国没有理由不会变得更加强大。

  作为副总统,拜登称,他已经访问过世界多个地区,每次回到美国都感到对国家的未来充满自信。有的人可能会警告美国正在消亡,但他不这么认为。拜登表示,他通过访华也发现,中国人也不这么认为。bidenwhitehouse

附原文:

China’s Rise Isn’t Our Demise

天安门

I FIRST visited China in 1979, a few months after our countries normalized relations. China was just beginning to remake its economy, and I was in the first Senate delegation to witness this evolution. Traveling through the country last month, I could see how much China had changed in 32 years — and yet the debate about its remarkable rise remains familiar.

Then, as now, there were concerns about what a growing China meant to America and the world. Some here and in the region see China’s growth as a threat, entertaining visions of a cold-war-style rivalry or great-power confrontation. Some Chinese worry that our aim in the Asia-Pacific is to contain China’s rise.

I reject these views. We are clear-eyed about concerns like China’s growing military abilities and intentions; that is why we are engaging with the Chinese military to understand and shape their thinking. It is why the president has directed the United States, with our allies, to keep a strong presence in the region. As I told China’s leaders and people, America is a Pacific power and will remain one.

But, I remain convinced that a successful China can make our country more prosperous, not less.

As trade and investment bind us together, we have a stake in each other’s success. On issues from global security to global economic growth, we share common challenges and responsibilities — and we have incentives to work together. That is why our administration has worked to put our relationship on a stable footing. I am convinced, from nearly a dozen hours spent with Vice President Xi Jinping, that China’s leadership agrees.

We often focus on Chinese exports to America, but last year American companies exported more than $100 billion worth of goods and services to China, supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs here. In fact, our exports to China have been growing much faster than our exports to the rest of the world.

The Chinese leaders I met with know their country must shift from an economy driven by exports, investment and heavy industry to one driven more by consumption and services. This includes continued steps to revalue their currency and to provide fair access to their markets. As Americans save more and Chinese buy more, this transition will accelerate, opening opportunities for us.

Even as the United States and China cooperate, we also compete. I strongly believe that the United States can and will flourish from this competition.

First, we need to keep China’s rising economic power in perspective. According to the International Monetary Fund, America’s gross domestic product, almost $15 trillion, is still more than twice as large as China’s; our per-capita G.D.P., above $47,000, is 11 times China’s.

And while there is a lot of talk about China’s “owning” America’s debt, the truth is that Americans own America’s debt. China holds just 8 percent of outstanding Treasury securities. By comparison, Americans hold nearly 70 percent. Our unshakable commitment to honoring our financial obligations is for the sake of Americans, as well as for those overseas. It is why the United States has never defaulted on its obligations and never will.

Maybe more important, the nature of 21st-century competition favors the United States. In the 20th century, we measured a nation’s wealth primarily by its natural resources, its land mass, its population and its army. In the 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate.

As I told students in Chengdu, the United States is hard-wired for innovation. Competition is in the very fabric of our society. It has enabled each generation of Americans to give life to world-changing ideas — from the cotton gin to the airplane, the microchip, the Internet.

We owe our strength to our political and economic system and to the way we educate our children — not merely to accept established orthodoxy but to challenge and improve it. We not only tolerate but celebrate free expression and vigorous debate. The rule of law protects private property, lends predictability to investments, and ensures accountability for poor and wealthy alike. Our universities remain the ultimate destination for the world’s students and scholars. And we welcome immigrants with skill, ambition and the desire to better their lives.

America’s strengths are, for now, China’s weaknesses. In China, I argued that for it to make the transition to an innovation economy, it will have to open its system, not least to human rights. Fundamental rights are universal, and China’s people aspire to them. Liberty unlocks a people’s full potential, while its absence breeds unrest. Open and free societies are best at promoting long-term growth, stability, prosperity and innovation.

We have our own work to do. We need to ensure that any American willing to work can find a good job. We need to keep attracting the world’s top talent. We must continue to invest in the fundamental sources of our strength: education, infrastructure and innovation. But our future is in our own hands. If we take bold steps, there is no reason America won’t emerge stronger than ever.

As vice president, I’ve traveled half a million miles around the world. I always come home feeling the same confidence in our future. Some may warn of America’s demise, but I’m not among them. And let me reassure you: based on my time in China, neither are the Chinese.

Joseph R. Biden Jr. is the vice president of the United States.

(评译: Not the least 与 at least 不同。 "Not least human rights" 译为 “至少是人权” 不太准确。这句话的原意是“人权不是最不重要的”。 可以译为“应该重视人权”。拜登这句话说的很有礼貌,意思是说,中方也在改善人权状况,只是做得还不够,还没有足够的重视。--东山)

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